Subsequently, in November, with the election of Donald Trump and the return of Republicans to power in Congress, the question of how the best opioid disorder has tackled the new uncertainty. For the last decade, the impulse to extend access to opioid addiction has enjoyed bilateral support. But during his campaign, Trump described a draconian vision to deal with the opioid problem, threatening drug traders and smugglers with the death penalty and promises to “seal” the border. On February 1, he signed an executive order to impose invoices against China, Mexico and Canada, partly to push these countries to stop the flow of fentanyl in the United States. (Shortly afterwards, he gave 30 days reprieves in Canada and Mexico.)
Keith Humphreys, a professor of psychiatric and behavioral science at Stanford, who studies the opioid crisis, says that the idea that enhanced border control could stop or significantly reduce the flow of fentanyl in the country is simply incorrect. Fentanyl is so concentrated that the quantity required to provide the demand for the whole country for a year is at most 10 metric tonnes, he estimates. Law enforcement must find these 10 tonnes – the weight of a few cars – among more than seven million trucks carrying goods crossing the borders annually. In order to substantially block the flow of fentanyl, she thinks, you need to completely close the border, so the country would cause mass financial damage to herself. And even with the border closed, aircraft, aircraft and tunnels can easily continue to provide the market. A birthday size letter sent from abroad could bring the supply of an opioid to someone. “You can’t really keep fentanyl from such a big country,” he says.
Trump’s desire to reduce government spending is also concerned about supporters of treatment with medication. Some Republicans are looking for active ways to reduce Medicaid, along with other federal programs. Trump can also try to overturn or simply undermine the law on affordable care, a favorite target. Either growth could be devastating to distribute drugs to treat opioid addiction, reversing the profits as thin, under the administration of Biden. Medicaid covers about 40 % of non -adults with opioid use disorder in the United States, about two -thirds of whom are treated for their addiction through the program.
It is also possible, however, that Trump will extend the approach of public health that he embraced during his first term, which was promoted by Biden’s administration and will continue to encourage efforts to develop Mat Trump signed a law during the law. Duration of his first term that removed some demands for doctors who wanted to prescribe buprenorphine, notes Kassandra Frederique, executive director of drug policy, a non -profit company that supports less drug policy. And unique among the Republican presidents, Trump supported the use of certain lesion reduction practices, such as taking pure syringes, according to the first -year general surgeon. Frederique told me that she hopes today’s administration will continue to be based on the work that Trump has done and others to extend access to treatment.
What is important to remember is how many evidence is there, indicating that buprenorphine can help people with opioid addiction. Sarah Wakeman often points out as she pushes behind what she sees as a widespread sense of pessimism about the opioid crisis. The problem is that this medicine does not reach the people who need it quite quickly. “Most people believe this is a terribly unbearable. We do not face, an insurmountable problem,” he says. “This could not be more than the truth.”
